Nordwave Florida

by Celtica

Many individuals today seem to neglect the fact that National Socialism was not a political movement that enjoyed unanimous agreement on every ideological principle. Like every healthy political movement, German National Socialism endured its share of internal factionalism and philosophical disagreements on issues ranging from religion to economics. Some issues were so polarizing that the Third Reich could have taken on a remarkably different form if the philosophy of certain key ideologues had been embraced by the movement’s figurehead, Adolf Hitler.

Hitler’s personal interpretation of what “socialism” constituted was unique when compared to that of many of his contemporaries. He did not view it as a mechanism to perpetuate an international order based on the mutual interests of the world’s proletariat. Rather, he viewed socialism as a means of resolving Germany’s class conflict; thereby replacing class identity with a renewed, collective national/ethnic identity. Socialist reforms would be utilized for the purpose increasing the quality of life for Germany’s proletariat and peasantry -at the expense of the national bourgeoisie. However, such reforms would not be utilized for the purpose of eliminating economic diversity. They would instead combat the gross inequality of the classes by eliminating the poverty that plagued the proletariat and peasantry, and the excessive material comfort of the bourgeoisie. He would additionally resolve to ensure that opportunities were available for all Germans to attain higher economic status, through the implementation of a system of meritocracy.

There were, however, differences between members of the party on how exactly to bring about this new order. There were even differences on what this new order would look like. This primary philosophical fault line took on a north-south axis, with one camp of Prussian National Socialists and another camp of Bavarian National Socialists. The political philosophy representing the ‘northern’ faction was personified in such leaders as Gregor Strasser, Karl Kaufmann and Dr. Joseph Goebbels.

There was no doubt at the time that the Prussian National Socialists were far more radical than their Bavarian counterparts. Goebbels, for example, had been reared in Marxist theory and for a brief period even considered himself a Communist (prior to his involvement with the N.S.D.A.P). Their approach towards National Socialism was one which conflicted with many of Hitler’s views. These leaders saw Soviet Russia as potential ally in the international struggle against the Western plutocracies, rather than an enemy to defeat, conquer and colonize. (Not surprisingly, they did not share Hitler’s imperial ambitions.) They viewed class-conflict as an issue of foundational relevance and did not seek to replace class identity with a single, national identity. Rather, they believed that class identity and national identity were dually significant and could both be addressed within their program.

Preferring not to of engage in violent confrontations with their political rivals, they instead would attempt to reason with Prussia’s Communists -hoping to draw them over to their side. In the Prussian journal, the National Socialist Letters, Goebbels published an article entitled “To My Friend on the Left“. In it he wrote: “You and I, we fight one another although we are not enemies at all.” In a later article published in the same journal Goebbels wrote: “We look to Russia, because Russia is our natural ally against the fiendish contamination and corruption from the west… Because we can see the commencement of our own national and socialist survival in an alliance with a truly national and socialist Russia.” And again in a later article he wrote: “We’ll get nowhere if we rely on the propertied and educated classes. I believe in socialism and in the proletariat.”

Under the leadership of Dr. Goebbels (following his departure from Prussia), the young Horst Wessel wrote: “The rightwing parties spurned us for our socialist slant and they weren’t all that wrong, because National Socialists had more in common with the [communist] R.F.B. than with the [rightwing] Stahlhelm.” Empathizing this theme, Goebbels is quoted as having said the following to Axel Ripke (gauleiter of North Rhineland) early on in his career: “Socialism means the liberation of the proletariat, not just breaking of the Versailles peace treaty. God, preserve my passion!” Accused by Ripke of promoting a new class struggle, Goebbels said: “Too true! With capitalism, you’ve got to call a spade a spade.”

The revolutionary fervor of the Prussian National Socialists was so strong that on November 22, 1925, Gregor Strasser commissioned Dr. Goebbels to draft a new program for the N.S.D.A.P. The revised program was notably more radical than the program of 1918. At the subsequent party meeting in Hanover, Hitler’s representative, Gottfried Feder (himself, an author of the 25 point program of 1918), was among those critical of the revision. Of primary concern to some in attendance was the program’s approach to the question of Communism and the Soviet Union. Despite the objections, however, the program was adopted by the northern gau that same day (January 24, 1926).

Hitler was reportedly troubled by this development and subsequently scheduled a meeting for party officials in Bamberg on February 14. The ‘northerners’ misinterpreted this move to be an indication of Hitler’s approval of their approach. Goebbel’s enthusiastically wrote: “Nobody has any faith left in Munich. Elberfeld is to become the Mecca of German socialism.” “In every city, blood is flowing for our idea. We cannot fail.” At the Bamberg meeting, Hitler did not hesitate to use the occasion to dispel that very notion.

There would be no alteration of the party program. Germany would never make common cause with Russia or make peace with Communism. Rather, Germany would form an alliance with Italy and England, in order to pursue their imperial interests in the East. The Prussians felt betrayed. In later months and years, the N.S.D.A.P would be consolidated in accordance to Hitler’s vision. The bourgeoisie would be forced to endure state subjugation, rather than revolutionary liquidation. There would be no proletariat state, but the proletariat would nonetheless reap the benefits of Hitler’s revolution from above.